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Beyond the Book Report: Ways to Respond to Literature Using New York Times Models. Teaching ideas based on New York Times content. Below, we present some alternatives to that classic classroom assignment, the book report. All of good our ideas are inspired by The New York Times in some way, either because we#8217;ve adapted an interesting format, or because we were inspired by an article, review, essay, interview or multimedia feature. Do you assign book reports, in any format, to your students? What do they look like? Join the conversation! A Times-Style Book Review.
Read The Times#8217;s Books section to scan several current book reviews of analysis novels, story collections and poetry, and to use the search feature to find reviews of older books. Next, make a list of common elements. These might include a summary of the groups for democracy, plot or main points or themes, comparisons or references to pestle analysis of india the writer#8217;s earlier works, discussion of the writer#8217;s contemporaries or influences, how the good for democracy, reviewer assesses the work#8217;s quality; connections (if any) the reviewer has to the subject matter; and the like. Next, write your own Times-style review of a book, incorporating many of these elements. If The Times has also reviewed the book you#8217;ve chosen, avoid reading it until you have crafted your own review, of hershey slogan course.
Book Talk, With You as Host. Create a podcast around a book or author, perhaps inspired by for democracy the format of those found in the Times#8217; Book Review. You might act as host and introduce several different segments, such as a mock interview with the author or an expert on Essay Make Decisions the topic, or a discussion of how a classic book is suddenly timely. Good For Democracy! You might also include free-form segments like #8220;The Book That Changed My Life,#8221; #8220;What We#8217;re Reading,#8221; or #8220;My First-Ever Favorite Book.#8221; You could vary these with #8220;advertisements#8221; for hershey slogan, books, top-10 lists of favorite authors or characters, or news about book-related events, such as online book discussions or local events such as readings given by authors. For classic works, you might set the are pressure good for democracy, podcast in the time of eckford its publication, considering other works popular at the time, the issues of the day and so on. Or, include an #8220;interview#8221; with the author, drawing from research such as published interviews, profiles, memoirs and biographies to ground the portrayal in fact. Another idea? Role-play a conversation of writers from the past or present sitting down together to talk about one another#8217;s work, or their own works in progress, with the podcast acting as the #8220;tape recorder#8221; that captures the whole thing. Judging the Book by Its Cover. Start by are pressure good considering how a cover #8220;sells#8221; a book and Essay People, serves as a quick visual reference, and make a quick list of are pressure groups for democracy favorite or most memorable covers.
Then view this slide show of roman in britain rejected cover designs and compare them with the are pressure, covers that were ultimately chosen. Are the final ones better? Why? Next, create paintings or other illustrations to Essay Make Decisions honor a book you#8217;re reading. You might do this in groups homage to the covers of favorite books, or you might create a cover for pestle analysis of india, a work that doesn#8217;t have its own cover, such as a piece you read in an anthology or story collection. The covers can be representative of the setting, a key scene, main characters or major plot event, or be more abstract or conceptual, capturing the tone of the work, a theme or character#8217;s mental state.Or, you might want to create covers in the style of a favorite artist. Choose key scenes from are pressure groups, a novel that is set in in britain a real place and find photos or illustrations online that show the locations described by the author. Good For Democracy! (You can choose photos that fit the novel#8217;s descriptions if the setting is not directly named or is not a real place.) Another option is to ottoman empire end choose an author and are pressure groups for democracy, show the places from a variety of his or her works, such as this feature about novelist Haruki Murakami, which includes a photo, related excerpt and voice recording of the person who chose them.
As a low-tech alternative, you might draw, and annotate with relevant passages, maps of novels#8217; environs or all the roman, settings used in a writer#8217;s oeuvre. For a longer-term project, visit the real life #8220;stomping grounds#8221; of a fictional character or visit places with a rich literary history and create a blog or podcast about them. You might record yourself reading relevant passages or discussing the works in the very spot the author(s) wrote about. Create (and record, and add liner notes explaining) a soundtrack for a book you#8217;re reading, or invent a rap about it, as these Stanford students did about the are pressure good, biology of how the body converts food into energy. Elisabeth Eckford! Making Lists of Favorites. Are Pressure Groups For Democracy! Check out the New York Times Best Seller List from weeks past and pestle of india, present, noting the categories found there. Use or tweak the categories to take a poll of classmates, teachers, parents, school and public librarians and other readers to learn what books they are currently reading or have recently read. Then, work with others to make your own lists #8212; whether of local favorites; of books read in school over the years; or, perhaps, of genre suggestions along the lines of #8220;If you liked the #8216;Harry Potter#8217; books, you#8217;ll love#8230;#8221;. You and your classmates might then each choose one book to write up in the style of an Inside the List blurb that tells about the book, its author, its audience or all of are pressure groups good these.
Or, create #8220;shelf talkers#8221; about some of these books for hershey slogan, your school library modeled after those in this bookstore. Annotate Lists on One Topic. Choose an are pressure groups good for democracy author, genre, time period, historical event, place or other relatively general topic and research books by or about the subject, perhaps starting with the Times#8217; Sunday Book Review or Book News and Reviews. Missouri Henry! Create annotated lists of published works about are pressure it, like this one on the Civil War, organized by category, chronology or other technique. On How People Make Decisions! You might then create brochure or Web pages, or a library display, as part of a class collection called #8220;So You Want to are pressure good for democracy Know About#8230;#8221; Brainstorm thought-provoking questions about a common text, such as what might have happened five years before the events in a novel begin, 25 years after they end, or what would happen if a key plot point was changed. Then, ask several people to weigh in of india and give short answers in order to create a Room for Debate- style response.
Book Report by Video. Work with others in groups good for democracy small groups to in britain create short videos about a book or author you have read. You might voice-over narration and and include interviews, as in this example which is about the #8220;Babar#8221; series of children#8217;s books. Be creative about are pressure good for democracy your interviewees. For instance, you might talk to fans of a book series waiting until midnight for the release of the elisabeth eckford, next installment; people of the same generation about good for democracy what a seminal book meant to Essay on How People Economic them as children; or experts like teachers, professors and groups, historians who can weigh in on the significance of ottoman empire end a often-taught book, or on a book controversy. Are Pressure Good! Another approach to the video is to eckford stage key scenes from novels or stories, or record dramatic readings, with sound effects. Or, make an author and his or her works the subject of a video, with an actor portraying him or her and reenacting important career and life events. The Graphic Novel Version. Everything from the Bible to #8220;Twilight#8221; to #8220;The Art of War#8221; is being turned into are pressure good for democracy a graphic novel. How would the book you#8217;re currently reading be transformed by this genre? You might adapt our simple storyboarding graphic organizer (PDF) to get started with a scene or two.
Book Blurbs on Blogs. Read the #8220;books#8221; category of the roman in britain, ArtsBeat blog for a week or more, researching the topics mentioned there. Then, work on short blog posts of your own that go into greater detail, or give the are pressure groups good, #8220;back story,#8221; about each news item for your audience. Elisabeth Eckford! For example, a recent post about new and ongoing manga series might inspire a segment on manga in general. Why Your Favorite Author Matters. Write persuasive essays that combine research, critical analysis of major works and good for democracy, personal accounts that raise and answer the question #8220;Why does this author matter?#8221; You might begin by reading Sunday Book Review essays with similar aims, such as this one about clay Lionel Trilling, this #8220;Riff#8221; column about Joan Didion, or by reading the back issues of the review. You can also search Times Topics pages which collect all the good for democracy, news, reference and archival information, photos, graphics, audio and video files published on topic, and find nearly any published author #8212; whether Stephen King or Shakespeare #8212;.
Use them as a starting point for research. Alternatively, the essay can be about why a particular work, genre or literary era matters, using the same guidelines. The Book Report of the Future. Has the format of the book report assignment in your school morphed over time? If so, how? What do you imagine a #8220;book report#8221; in 2025 might look like? Use our post on the the #8220;future of reading#8221; that examines how technology is changing reading, readers and books to propose new formats for presenting reader responses to pestle analysis of india literature.For instance, perhaps you and your classmates can join or create an online book sharing and reviewing community, design a book app, or write about the difference between reading a paper-and-ink book and an e-book or some other digital format. Are Pressure For Democracy! Related Lessons from The Learning Network.
Other Learning Network Resources. Comments are no longer being accepted. Excellent ideas! I#8217;ve always loved alternatives to the standard book report and you#8217;ve just given me some wonderful new ones to add to my arsenal. Assignments like these are more meaningful to the student, deter cheating (aka copying/pasting), promote creative thinking, and are much more interesting for roman, the teacher (or any audience) to are pressure groups good for democracy read and/or engage in. Thank you for sharing! This is ottoman really #8220;beyond the book report#8221;, I got assigned to a book report but in our class we can choose what we want to read, so I#8217;m currently reading a book I#8217;m enjoying so much that I couldn#8217;t put it down at groups night. On How People Economic Decisions! But the bad thing is we have assigned tasks to complete, and they#8217;re boring; if every teacher used this in America I#8217;m sure reading will turn into a enjoyable thing for reluctant readers or bookworms like me.
My 5th grade Reading/Language Arts classes now have a fun way to share a book they loved. With the are pressure groups good, help of our IT teacher, they can make an Animoto video that is then linked to ottoman empire end our school#8217;s website, which can be viewed by all students. Are Pressure Good! Also, we learned to make QR codes from the same video, which our librarian tapes inside the book. Other students can use iPhones or iPods to missouri compromise henry scan the groups good, code and elisabeth, watch the good for democracy, promo video. Analysis Of India! This is a great way to are pressure groups good for democracy integrate technology skills with language arts skills! Since my students love to do this, and they can#8217;t make a video that has been already made twice, they are encouraged to branch out in their reading genre.
I#8217;ve enjoyed working on these Animoto book trailers with Donna B. Check them out: http://tinyurl.com/wilsonbooktrailers. Sign up for our free newsletter. Get the latest lesson plans, contests and resources for teaching with The Times.
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Modernity Essay: An useful Essay on Modernity in India. The other widely expressed way of are pressure for democracy coming to grips with our lack of eckford true modernity is to say that there are “multiple modernities”, and that the Indian variety is groups good, just another expression of missouri henry modernity. Anthony Giddens has put a very sound thesis that modernity is multi-dimensional. It is neither monolith, nor liberal only. Nor it is democratic only. It has several dimensions. Indian sociologist, Dipankar Gupta in his book, Mistaken Modernity (2000), has made yet another statement which applies to different nation-states. If modernity is multiple, it means that India should have its own variant of are pressure modernity. And, further, there are several or plural ethnicities in this country and therefore modernity in elisabeth eckford this country has to be defined in good terms of the social-historical and cultural conditions of different regions or social segments of the nation.
When European countries had entered into industrial era, feudalism was on the wane. The series of revolutions which took place in Europe, gave emergence to democracy and nation-states. And, interestingly, Europe had already experienced renaissance and enlightenment. Such a kind of social conditions in roman Europe created modernity. And, with the increasing force of modernity, there came into existence the form of modernity which is now called late modernity.
The pioneers of sociology – Marx, Weber, Durkheim and Simmel – were the products of modernity, i.e., capitalism, democracy and industrialism. Indian social conditions were different. Our challenges were serious. There was colonialism and in princely states, feudalism. Groups. Our first priority was to get freedom, and hershey slogan our ambition was to are pressure build India into a nation. Our pioneering sociologists, G.S. Ghurye, M.N. Srinivas, D.P.
Mukerji, B.K. Sarkar, Radhakamal Mukherjee, S.V. Ketkar, B.N. Dutt and K.P. Chattopadhyay drew their value premises and perspectives on the approach to studying Indian society from Essay Decisions, nationalist reformation leadership of the 19ih century. All these sociologists had not encountered the challenges of industrialism and capitalism.
Nor had they any experience of western modernity. Specifying the are pressure orientation of pioneer Indian sociologists, Yogendra Singh, in his book Indian Sociology (1986), writes: The sociologists of the pioneer generation were less concerned with the professionalization of sociology as a discipline, in respect of concepts, theories, methodology of social observation or with establishing sociology as a branch of science. Their deeper concern, however, was with the issue of social relevance. Yogendra Singh spells out the issues of social relevance and says that pioneers of sociology in India wanted to focus on social change. For them, industrialism in whatever form it was brought by pestle of india colonial rule was not a challenge.
It was first a beginning of modernity and therefore they showed their concern for the study of family, kin, caste and village. And, what is important is are pressure groups good for democracy, that the social background of roman in britain most of the sociologists of this period was that they came from renaissant middle class, urban gentry; most were educated in European, particularly British universities; and had inherited in their consciousness both a substantial package of western philosophy of are pressure groups science, liberalism and humanism (both Marxist and non-Marxist) and deeper concern for issues of national identity, freedom from colonial rule and establishment of a culturally, economically and politically independent Indian society. Indian sociologists paid very little attention to the study of modernity and its impact on Indian society. Modernity as a distinct form of end enquiry came late during the seventies. We have two very excellent research documents – Trends Reports sponsored by ICSSR and are pressure groups the book by Yogendra Singh (1986). In the Trend Report (1969-1979), Pravin J. Patel surveys the literature in industrial sociology in India and puts his concluding remarks: As a matter of elisabeth fact quite a few studies on the reciprocal relationship between industrialization and society have a direct bearing upon modernization theory.
Similarly, some of the studies on groups industrial organizations, trade unions and industrial relations have explicitly or implicitly used the conceptual frameworks of structural-functionalism and in britain the dialectical analysis. Pravin Patel in his comments very clearly observes that “we are not in a position to offer many generalizations which may be both meaningful and empirically valid”. Yogendra Singh refers to the emergence of modernity and development late in the 1970s. In the annual conferences of sociology, it was for the first time that indications of the coming up of modern society were given by R.N. Saxena (1972) on ‘Modernization in Development: Trends in India’; S.C. Dube (1976) on groups for democracy ‘Indian Sociology at the Turning Point’ and A.R. Desai (1981) on ‘Relevance of the Marxist Approach to the Study of Indian Society’. During 1970s and 1980s some efforts were made to study modernity. But it was in a sporadic way. The Indian sociologists showed their concern for social change in India.
But their social change was characterized by structural-functional analysis or in some cases structuralist or historical-structural paradigm. During this period social change was also studied with the Essay on How Decisions perspective of Marxism. For instance, D.P. Mukerji stressed the relevance of studying modernity from Marxian paradigm. D.P. Groups Good. strongly believed that in order to push the missouri history towards the groups for democracy next higher stage we shall have to modernize our traditions. It is illuminating to mention that the modernists in Europe did not discuss the bipolarity of tradition and modernity to analyze the later. In India, approach to modernity has always been with reference to tradition. Whether Yogendra Singh or Dipankar Gupta, they invariably dwell on tradition to explain modernity. Hershey Slogan. This bipolar approach seems to be borrowed from D.P. D.P. Mukerji and modernity : D.P. talked about modernity in an elaborate way.
And what is further interesting is that D.P’s ideas about modernity have been discussed at length by groups T.N. Madan in his work Pathways (1994). D.P. alleges that the western concept of modernity is erroneous. He argues that to define modernity only in terms of missouri henry industrialization, bureaucracy and democratization is mistaken. It abandons holism.
It dispenses with all values. What should we do for accepting modernity in India? We should, first of all, distinguish genuine modernization from the spurious product and the clue lies in its historicity, Indian modernity, therefore, is rooted in its culture and are pressure for democracy history. Western modernity has to be adapted with the genuine Indian culture. Commenting on the approach of D.P. in this respect, Madan writes: …. India’s intellectual and artistic achievements were in no way inferior to hershey slogan those of the west. Hence, the urge for a synthesis of Vedanta, western liberalism and Marxism. Thus, the model of groups modernity which could be attempted in India, according to D.P. would be like this: Indian synthesis of modernity = Western liberalism and pestle Marxism + Vedanta and Indian culture. I.P. Desai very candidly accepts that the Indian sociologists have not moved away from the obsession of colonialism and are pressure good for democracy national movements which characterized our past.
We have abundant studies on rural society, family, caste and kin and have studied social changes observed in these institutions. Our social change studies more than often talk about adaptive changes and we never move from the notion of the ‘Indian’. Our views about the ‘western’ is also the missouri henry clay same as it was for the ‘pioneers’ of Indian sociologists. All this has resulted in the neglect of the study of modern Indian society. Modernity, therefore, has remained an untouched area. After the attainment of are pressure groups good independence, whatever sociology developed in India was highly influenced by American and British sociology. It was massively anchored in functionalism. There was a weak and fragile trend of empire end Marxism.
D.P. and Ramkrishna combined Marx’s dialectical logic with Indian traditions. A.R. Desai examined India’s social history in Marxian perspective. All through 1980s and 1990s the Marxian sociologists remained strict doctrinaire in this approach. They did not look at Indian reality in terms of Habermas, Giddens or Jameson; no influence of Frankfurt School is seen in their analysis. They have kept themselves from any study of modernity. Are Pressure. At best, they have criticized the evil consequences of capitalism in class formations.
It was in the beginning of 1970s that some serious efforts were made to define and analyze Indian modernity. Indian sociology witnessed a radical change in its approach. By 1980s, it became clear through the works of Louis Dumont that Indian society cannot be studied without reference to its traditions. The notion of henry tradition became a key factor in the ideology of social structure in India. It was increasingly argued (by Dumont and Pocock) that the for democracy reality in Indian society in terms of ideology such as purity and pollution can only be studied ideologically. Henry Clay. The discussion on modernity at are pressure groups for democracy a book length level has been done by Yogendra Singh in his book, Modernization of Indian Tradition (1994) and Lloyd Rudolph and Susanne Rudolph in in britain their work, The Modernity of Tradition. Besides these two books, there is a huge literature which deals with the processes of social change. The social change studies focus on modernity but their reference to modernity is only in a very casual way. The features of modernity such as democracy, capitalism, secularism, civil society, state and development have not been discussed as a scientific discourse.
Modernization in India is different from European modernization. Britain was cradle of European modernization. Industrial revolution of 18th century brought about gradual change in the social structure of western feudal society by transforming it first into are pressure groups, a mercantile society and later into an industrial liberal society. In this process, the estates, mainly consisting of the serfs and Essay the feudal lords, underwent cataclysmic changes. Peasants and serfs were transformed into industrial workers; feudal lords, especially in Britain, took more and more to commercial and industrial entrepreneurship; and traditional guilds in the cities became obsolescent and guild masters replaced by projectors or entrepreneurs. The transition from one stage to the other was not smooth. The intervening periods were marked by pauperization of the uprooted peasantry, growth of slum-like work houses in cities, sudden breakdown in the family structure and exploitation of the workers by an emergent entrepreneurial class which was more predatory than rational in orientation. Modernization in India came in a different situation. Here, colonialism and feudalism prospered side by side with capitalism. Traditionalism also existed with modernity rather the former got a new life also. The social conditions for are pressure, Indian modernity were of different nature.
Yogendra Singh traces the emergence of modernity in India in these words: Modernization in roman India started with the good western contact, especially through establishment of the British rule. This contact had a special historicity which brought about compromise clay, many far-reaching changes in culture and social structure of the Indian society. The basic direction of this contact was towards modernization, but in the process a variety of traditional institutions also got reinforcement. This demonstrates the weakness of assuming a neat contrariety between tradition and modernity. Yogendra Singh, M.N. Srinivas, Dipankar Gupta and others, who have discussed Indian modernity, have invariably discussed it in a bipolar way. It appears, any discussion of modernity in India is not possible without a deep understanding of groups its traditions. This has not happened in the case of Europe. It is India’s historicity which makes it obligatory to deal in tradition for a discussion of modernity. We now turn to end define modernity as is meant in India.
M.N. Srinivas on westernization and modernization : M.N. Srinivas has constructed the concepts of westernization and modernization. These concepts have emerged from his empirical studies on the religion and groups good society among the Coorgs of South India. Initially, he introduced the concept of sanskritization. And, at a later stage, the hershey slogan developed the concept of westernization to explain social change in the caste system. Westernization is defined by Srinivas as “the changes brought about in are pressure Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of analysis of india British rule, the are pressure good for democracy term subsuming changes occurring at different levels… technology, institutions, ideology and values”. But, the term ‘westernization’ does not mean only the things of the west. It is a comprehensive term and missouri compromise henry clay includes humanitarianism and rationalism besides values, ideology and are pressure technology. Acceptance of all these aspects of western society also means establishment of scientific, technological and educational institutions, rise of nationalism, new political culture and leadership in the country.
According to Srinivas, the increase in westernization does not retard the process of sanskritization; both go on simultaneously, and to some extent, increase in empire end westernization accelerates the process of sanskritization. For instance, the postal facilities, railways, buses and print media which are the fruits of western impact on good for democracy India render more organized religious pilgrimages, meetings, caste solidarities, etc. possible now than in the past. Srinivas has not discussed modernization as an independent theme of social change in India. It is the by-product of his theory of social change. And, in fact, he prefers westernization to modernization. And Srinivas argues that since human ends are based on value preferences, it is doubtful that in a civilizational society like India rationality will work satisfactorily. And, for him, westernization also means primarily the British impact. Thus, the definition and meaning of modernization boils down to the following points according to Srinivas:
1. Westernization and modernization are interchangeable, though in India’s social change westernization is preferable. 2. Modernization includes humanitarianism and rationalism. 3. Modernization subsumes technology, democratic institutions, ideology and values. 4. Building of nation-state. 5. Development of political culture. 6. There is sanskritization at analysis of india the level of caste system; there is westernization or modernization at the nation-state level. Modernization is more widespread at the individual level than sanskritization.
7. Traditionalism goes hand-in-hand with modernization. Yogendra Singh on modernity : Initially, Yogendra Singh prepared a volume of groups his essays originally written for the Indian Council of Social Sciences Research (ICSSR) in 1977. The book entitled. Ottoman End. Social Stratification and are pressure for democracy Change in India deals with modernization at two levels: structural and eckford cultural. Groups Good For Democracy. Cultural modernization is concerned with ideas, sentiments and values, whereas structural modernization relates to forms of relationships such as family, kin, clan and caste.
Most of the studies of social change fall in the field of cultural modernization. People Make Economic Decisions. In fact, the change studies were basically studies of cultural modernization. In the field of structural modernization, nothing substantial has happened. The joint family made some adaptive changes and there appeared sub-joint family or nuclear family. In other words, modernization did not bring any structural change in Indian society.
This was Yogendra Singh’s position about modernization in are pressure groups his essays contained in this volume. Yogendra Singh’s major work in compromise clay the field of tradition and modernization appeared in are pressure for democracy 1972. The work is really a classical one which makes an excellent effort in the understanding of tradition and modernization in India. Yogendra Singh is concerned with the transformation of Indian society. In this context, he raises three important questions: Under what structural or cultural conditions does modernization lead to integrative transformation of Indian society? What are the structural prerequisites for institutionalization of modernizing changes without breakdown? How does the Indian case warrant the possibility of elisabeth institutionalization of modernity or alternatively of structural breakdown in the process? The questions are substantively related to the way modernization is are pressure groups for democracy, defined and conceptualized. Yogendra Singh admits that there is no unanimity in the definition of modernization, nor is there any evaluative standards for its measurement. However, an in-depth analysis of elisabeth change studies indicates that sociologists have adopted two broad approaches in the study of modernization in India. Groups Good For Democracy. These approaches are structural and evolutionary.
The structural approach analyzes modernization with the help of selected social or normative variables. The normative variables include social mobilization, growth of communication, media exposure, democratic political institutions and values, morals and norms conductive to modernization, technological and economic resources of society. The evolutionary approach is based on more systematic theoretical assumptions. It treats modernization as an elisabeth evolutionary stage in the life of human society. The formation of the process of evolution could be structural-functional or dialectical. The evolutionary approach in its structural-functional form treats modernization as continuity from the sub-human phase to are pressure groups for democracy human phase and beyond. Drawing from both these approaches to the study of modernization, Yogendra Singh defines it as under: Modernization approximates to such a cultural order. It symbolizes a rational attitude towards issues, and Essay People their evaluation from a universalistic and not particularistic viewpoint; when it involves an emotional response to good for democracy problems, orientation is emphatic and not constructive; modernization is hershey slogan, rooted in the scientific worldview; it has deeper and positive association with levels of diffusion of scientific knowledge technological skill and are pressure good technological resources in a particular society. But what may be essential to modernization is the commitment to scientific worldview, the internalization of humanistic and philosophical viewpoint of science on contemporary problems and not merely the volume of technological achievement.
So far, the definition of modernity given by Yogendra Singh fits very well in the paradigm of western ideal type of modernization. It includes the following important elements or features of modernity: 1. Ottoman Empire End. It is a cultural phenomenon, which stands for the cult-urology of society. 2. Good. It is hershey slogan, rational attitudes towards societal issues and problems. 3. Its norms are universalistic, applicable to the totality of all the societies. 4. Its worldview is scientific. 5. It contains scientific knowledge and technological skill, which need to be differed in all the societies. 6. It encourages internalization of humanistic and philosophical attitudes, which are inherent to scientific knowledge. Scientific values, surely, are universalistic.
But, the traditional values are local, rooted in the traditions of the immediate society. When the ideal type of modernity is applied to the local community, there ensues a conflict. In this encounter, there are two alternatives: first, there are adaptive changes in the local tradition, and second, modernization is rejected or redefined. The challenge given by local tradition to modernity has been analyzed by Yogendra Singh: The distinction between modern values and traditional values may be maintained on the ground that modern values, like science, being evolutionary universal, might not be typical to any one particular cultural tradition, whereas traditional cultural values may be particularistic and for democracy typical. What Yogendra Singh argues is that modernity is a universal- cultural phenomenon, whereas tradition is local and is observed by the immediate society only. The challenge of Essay on How People Make Decisions modernity with its universal features and characteristics is the same in are pressure groups good for democracy all societies but the responses to it are varying.
This gives rise to multiple modernities. And, therefore, Yogendra Singh very rightly says that “the substantive adaptation to modernization should be distinguished from eckford, modernization per are pressure groups good se since in all likelihood, not for a long time to come (perhaps never), anywhere in the world shall we have a fully modern society”. And in support of his conclusion Yogendra Singh refers to the conclusion made by Daniel Lerner and others. Dipankar Gupta: India’s mistaken modernity : Dipankar Gupta’s work on modernity is a recent publication. Roman. In his book, Mistaken Modernity: India between Worlds (2000), Dipankar defines the concept of modernity in India’s context and says: “The mode of relations among people in our country is still not modern. For Democracy. Family connections, privileges of caste and status, as well as the willingness to Essay on How People Economic Decisions break every law in the book characterize our social relations very deeply. This is why I argue that true modernity is about how people relate to other people (italics added), and groups good for democracy likewise, true ethics is all about a concern with ‘others’ as equal citizens. Elisabeth Eckford. Modernity is an groups attitude, which represents universalistic norms, where the eckford dignity of an individual as a citizen is inviolable and where one’s achievements count for more than family background and connections. Once modernity is understood in this fashion, it is apparent that Indian still has long distance to are pressure groups good go.”
Dipankar argues that modernity is not a single large block, a monolith. The true modernity, in fact, consists of ‘multiple modernities’ and viewed from this perspective, the Indian modernity is a specific variety of on How People Make multiple modernities. Even in developed countries such as U.S. and Japan, there are several modernities. We have, in India, misunderstood modernity on more than one count. Dipankar has pointed out some major wrong thinking’s about modernity which characterize contemporary India. These are as below: Contemporary is not necessarily modern : Some people think that whatever is contemporary is modern. Our ideas, fashions, and even, ideology and traditions, which characterize our life today, are all modern. Spending lakhs of rupees on the celebration of festivals and marriages, which was never done earlier, is considered as modern. There is an exorbitant excitement in the celebration of certain religious festivals such as Ganesh Mahotsava, Garba, Diwali and Holi.
This is are pressure good, contemporary and is therefore categorized as modern. Fundamentalism, terrorism, increasing communalism and rapid incidence of graft and corruption are likewise contemporary, and therefore, they are all modern. Such an understanding of modernity is erroneous. Is technology, the roman in britain only modernity? The layman’s understanding about modernity is that it is technological only. In other words, if there is are pressure good, new technology, or innovation, it is said to be the pestle analysis of india attainment of modernity. The advancement in communication, agriculture and transport is considered by common people as the only criterion of modernity. In Dipankar’s views, technology is only one part of modernity. Are Pressure Good For Democracy. Modernity involves certain other features also such as human values and relationships. Only consumerism is Make Economic, not modernity : Admittedly, the modern society is a consumer society. In U.S. and Europe, consumerism is considered to be a strong indicator of modernity.
More there is consumerism, more there is modernity. Are Pressure Groups Good. Capitalism is the bedrock of modernity and it enhances an increasing standard of consumerism. The situation in in britain India is different. Are Pressure Groups Good. In our country, consumerism has given rise to inequality; the hershey slogan poor have become poorer in the race of uplifting their standard. And, in such a situation, it is mistaken to align modernity with increasing consumerism. It is wrong to accept violent behaviour as modernity : It is unfortunate that in India modernization, somehow or other, is associated with unlawful, illegal and groups violent behaviour.
Those who are affluent, often commit crime. Dipankar Gupta comments as under on pestle analysis this mistaken aspect of modernity: In India, we have not paid attention on the mainsprings of modernity, but have been quick to declare certain sectors as modern because of their acquisition of groups good for democracy artefacts and pestle analysis of india technology. This has also led to frequent complaints against modernity, especially when egregious offences are committed in contemporary locales or their perpetrators are those who were mistakenly seen as modern because they possessed expensive material objects. Thus, sexual harassment, violence in good for democracy public places, dowry deaths and a host of other fairly uncivilised forms of conduct get posted as modern. Looked at closely, none of these things is really modern.
They are carry-overs of ottoman end attitudes from the past. Traditionalism is often defined as modernity : In most of the cases, the elites and the middle class define traditionalism as modernization. What has happened in India is that in the wake of modernization, traditionalism is strengthened. Some of our traditions have been redefined as modernity. Caste is reorganized to suit to are pressure groups for democracy the needs of the analysis of india politicians. Feudal mindset works in are pressure groups our modern organizations and subaltern segments of society continue to be looked with contempt.
Most of the abuses of our translations are interpreted as items and aspects of modernity. Fundamentalism and pestle of india the ideology of Hindutva could be referred to as new forms of modernity. Are Pressure For Democracy. In fact, traditionalism has reappeared in hershey slogan the form of modernization. Such a modernization is fake and erroneous. Dipankar Gupta argues that what we understand by modernity in India is often “its equation with technology and with other contemporary artifacts”. It is not always that what we call urbanization and industrialization is modernization. Groups Good. It is something else also, something more also. Dipankar says that a modern society is one in which at least the following characteristics must be present:
1. Dignity of the People Make Economic Decisions individual; 2. Adherence to universalistic norms; 3. Elevation of individual achievement over privileges or dis-privileges of are pressure groups for democracy birth; and. 4. Accountability in public life. In Dipankar’s definition of modernity first place or priority is given to the above four attributes, and “once these attributes are in hershey slogan place, it does not really matter if there is for democracy, a high level of technology, super fast transit system, or consumerism. Generally speaking, technology and consumerism are consequences of the four characteristics of modernization listed above, and do not by themselves constitute modernity”. Dipankar has elaborated the attributes of Decisions modernity and says that the are pressure core feature of this process is the relations between people. These relations have to be characterized by equality with, and respect for pestle analysis of india, others. It is the principle of democracy that all people should be considered equals and should have, therefore, equal opportunities. Thus, the key to modernity is what Dipankar calls, inter-subjectivity. “Inter-subjectivity is about being able to participate in one another’s lives and share in one another’s fate …. Inter-subjectivity thus arouses the quality of empathy.
As empathy encourages a vicarious participation in the lives of other people, it becomes a distinguishing trait of modernity. Are Pressure Good For Democracy. This and missouri other attributes of a modern attitude help in the realization of substantive (not just legal) citizenship.” Concluding observations on modernity in India : Modernization as a theoretical construct, in a broader way, is pluralization of worldview. In the west, it is argued that it is a multi-dimensional process and begins from the evaluation of new classes, technology and communications resulting from the good decay of feudalism and the emergence of missouri compromise capitalism and democratic nation-state. Britain has been the cradle of industrialization, urbanization and secularism, i.e., separation of state from church. Here, tradition is not the referent point.
Rather, it is the industrialization. There are a large number of sociologists such as Giddens, Habermas, Wallerstein and Stuart Hall who have examined the challenges given by modernity. India’s modernity is specific to Indian social structure. If there are multiple modernities, India’s modernity is one variant, one specificity. If modernity is multi-dimensional, Indian modernity is determined by Indian traditions. Here, there are modernization traditions. It is because of the specificity of Indian social structure that our sociologists, Yogendra Singh and Dipankar Gupta, are in a way obsessed by the role of tradition in social structure. Are Pressure Groups Good For Democracy. Neither of them can talk about modernity without reference to its traditions. Yogendra Singh defends himself: Whereas the emphasis on social structure has led us to survey the uneven processes of social changes and modernization with the hershey slogan help of the contemporary sociological studies, the tradition’s framework in our analysis has necessitated that we draw from, the Indian history, or even employ a kind of historiography.
The historiographic constructions are necessitated to establish the cognitive-structural attributes of the Indian ‘traditions, which we have characterized as consisting of elements of ‘hierarchy,’ ‘holism,’ ‘continuity,’ and ‘transcendence’. Both Yogendra Singh and groups for democracy Dipankar Gupta accept that modernity, in a way or the other, either strengthens traditions or traditions are mistaken as modernity. What is analysis, modernity? In the Indian context, the consensus is that it has universalistic norms, there is emphasis on achievement, its roots are in secularism, it is democratic in its design and media, communication, values, morals and groups good for democracy ethics are its dimensional features. And, then, importantly, what is the direction of modernization or social change? How do we define modernity in the light of change studies, which are available to us in Indian sociology? The questions are uncomfortable, but they help us to elisabeth eckford define modernity at are pressure a substantial plane. Sociologists have studied social change in India right from its emergence. The approaches to social change or modernization have been structural and evolutionary. Out of the two approaches structural approach is dominant in social sciences.
The evolutionary approach is structural-functional or dialectical. Structural-functional analysis looks at modernization in terms of sub-cultural forms of westernization of great traditions. Dialectical approach, on the other hand, employs Marxian concepts of social change. Modernization thus in India is defined with reference to structural-functional analysis and dialectics. The dialectical approach has remained restricted to only a handful of sociologists such as D.P. Elisabeth Eckford. Mukerji, Ramakrishna Mukherjee and A.R.
Desai. A large number of sociologists have looked at the impact of modernization from structural-functional perspective. They define modernization as social change in the traditional aspects of Indian society. Social change for these sociologists is change in the Hindu traditions and groups for democracy institutions. Clay. For them, joint family has changed; caste has changed; village structure has witnessed transformation but change towards what? At best for most of these functionalists the groups for democracy change is from Hindu social traditions to adaptive changes. For a few, the change is towards family disorganization or caste disorganization. Pestle Analysis. Generation after generation the university students are taught that social change leads to disorganization of Hindu traditional institutions. The point of good for democracy reference of social change is hardly modernity. Missouri Compromise Henry. For, both Indian and American sociologists working on India have never explained social change with reference to modernity.
And here is the rub. Our sociologists come from the high-caste Hindu background, their professional and intellectual training has been in the colonisers’ countries, they are interested in continuity and change and therefore they have created a flood of research material which stands on the pillars of evolutionary structural-functional method. In such a kind of are pressure groups good for democracy adherence to a conservative methodology, not much has been done to evaluate the impact of modernization on Indian society. Leave a Reply Click here to cancel reply. You must be logged in to post a comment. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the elisabeth following pages:
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essay of blackmail The Crime of Blackmail: A Libertarian Critique. There is something deeply paradoxical about laws that criminalize blackmail. How is good, it that, as Glanville Williams put it, two things that taken separately are moral and legal whites together make a moral and hershey slogan legal black?  For the crime of blackmail involves the criminalization of two otherwise legal acts when they occur in combination- for example, the threat to disclose damaging information about another, and the offer to refrain from disclosing it for some valuable consideration. Were Alfred to (threaten to) disclose damaging information concerning Bi11's extramarital affairs, no offense recognized by law would be involved (even if there were something distasteful about such gossip); were Alfred to are pressure good for democracy, ask Bill for $5000, again there would be no contravention of any proper law (even if it displayed a degree of chutzpah). Empire? But were Alfred to threaten Bill that he would disclose information concerning Bill's extramarital affairs unless Bill paid him $5000, his two-part act would – under current laws-constitute the crime of blackmail. Why should the conjunction of such otherwise legal acts have an entirely different legal status?  The paradox is are pressure groups good, heightened when we consider the reverse situation. Bill learns that Alfred is in possession of damaging information concerning him. He seeks Alfred out, and offers him $5000 to keep silent. If Alfred accepts Bill's offer, and subsequently keeps mum, he should not be held to analysis, have blackmailed Bill.
Why should the situation be different when Alfred approaches Bill, and tells him that his silence will cost $5000? This is the heart of the libertarian critique of blackmail laws, and in this essay I propose to defend that critique against a number of arguments that have been advanced to justify them. Although my critique of such laws depends ultimately on my belief that criminal prohibitions are justified only when some material threat is are pressure groups, posed to ottoman empire end, another (by means of are pressure, force, fraud, or theft), my arguments here will show that various attempts to avoid or account for Essay on How People, the paradox do not succeed, even on their own terms. Blackmail (along with other victimless crimes) should be decriminalized. [3,4] Some Definitional Preliminaries. Although standard instances of blackmail involve a threat to disclose damaging information if some monetary payment is are pressure good, not made, the pestle range of possibilities is are pressure groups good for democracy, somewhat wider. Leo Katz, for ottoman end, example, suggests as alternative threats:
Pay me $10,000- or I will: cause some really bad blood at good, the next faculty meeting, . . . seduce your fianc, . . . Essay Economic Decisions? persuade your son that it is are pressure groups for democracy, his patriotic duty to volunteer for on How People Economic, combat in Vietnam, . Are Pressure Groups Good For Democracy? . . give your high-spirited, risk-addicted 19-year-old daughter a motorcycle for Christmas, hasten our father's death by leaving the compromise henry Catholic church.  Demands as well as threats may vary: usually it is for money, but it could also be for sexual favors or some other valued consideration. And usually it is for the blackmailer's private and undeserved gain, though it need not be. Imagine, writes Eric Mack, that you can deter a factory owner from (safely) burning his plant to groups, the ground (and thus thoroughly eliminating many employment opportunities) for the sake of destructive glee only by threatening to pestle, reveal his secrets. Or imagine a case in which one party, by legally permissible trickery and Underhanded dealing, acquired what another party truly deserves. Wouldn’t it be perfectly moral for the morally deserving party to blackmail the first party into transferring that valued good- especially if what was threatened was precisely the [revelation] of the trickery and underhandedness?  In this essay, however, our concern will be largely with paradigmatic informational blackmail in which money is sought for silence. Blackmail should not be confused with extortion. In the latter, a threat to do something that would otherwise be illegal is made in demanding something from another: If Charles threatens to break David's knees or burn down his house if David does not give him $5000, Charles is groups good, guilty of roman in britain, extortion, not blackmail, Extortion is properly considered illegal. Is There Really a Paradox of Blackmail? One might argue that there is nothing particularly paradoxical about blackmail.
George Fletcher, for groups, one, claims that the compromise henry clay supposed paradox is not untypical of many acts that are regarded as criminal: many good acts are corrupted by doing them for a price.  Fletcher instances bribery, prostitution, and payment for confessing to a crime. And Wendy Gordon notes that, our right to vote can neither be transferred gratuitously nor sold.  But are these plausible counter instances? The problem with bribery is that it fosters inappropriate motivations in those who are otherwise duty-bound to provide certain services. Are Pressure Groups Good For Democracy? Were bribes no more than tips for hershey slogan, services- openly given and received- there would be nothing wrong with them. What makes bribery problematic is not the conjunction of good for democracy, service and money, but the ottoman fact that money given secretly becomes an groups for democracy incentive to forgo duty and/or to roman, do it only when more is giver than one is contractually obliged to accept. Prostitution is a classic victimless crime and should not have been criminalized in the first place. The problem with paid-for confessions is are pressure groups, that needy people- and not necessarily guilty people- will be induced into compromise confessing to offenses, with no guarantee that those who are convicted will be those who have offended. An offender may still be on are pressure groups for democracy the loose, and those paid to apprehend criminals will have no incentive to look for him. As for the right to vote, it could have been otherwise. The only reason that political votes (unlike votes in publicly traded corporations) cannot be sold is that a majority has agreed not to commodify them.
Blackmail and Other Commercial Transactions. At first blush, blackmail is missouri compromise henry clay, like any other commercial transaction: Alfred has a product to sell (secrecy) that Bill wishes to groups good, buy. However, some writers have claimed that blackmailers differ significantly from other sellers since, unlike other sellers, they would give away their product were they not able to sell it.  Perhaps so, perhaps not!  In any case it is not easy to hershey slogan, see any significance to the difference. For other sellers, perhaps, the are pressure good for democracy product to be sold represents all investment on their part, and therefore something they would be unlikely to give away, whereas the incriminating information that the roman blackmailer possesses is much more likely to have been gained without significant investment. May be the difference lies in motivation, Wendy Gordon suggests that blackmail should be outlawed because the blackmailer acquires information for are pressure, the sole purpose of obtaining money or advantage from the victim, and . . , has no intent or desire to publish the information, except as an instrument toward this purpose.  But why should the blackmailer's intent be of any interest to end, the law unless the conduct in question has independently infringed another's rights? It is not generally of legal concern why we conform our behavior to what the law allows or requires. Intent only groups for democracy becomes an issue once the law is broken. But since Alfred's disclosure of hershey slogan, Bill's infidelities does not constitute conduct of groups, a kind the law would ordinarily prohibit, it should not be of any legal interest to know why Alfred may or may not choose to disclose the information he has about roman Bill.  Scott Altman suggests a further difference: whereas in ordinary commercial transaction, both buyer and seller will be beneficiaries, in blackmail the primary beneficiary is the blackmailer. Groups Good For Democracy?  But why should the person who buys silence not also be seen as benefiting from the transaction? He has purchased another's silence, something that presumably, benefits him. It is true that, antecedent to the blackmailer's approach, the blackmailee was not seeking to purchase the silence of hershey slogan, others, but that was because he believed that his secret was safe, and did not need to groups, be secured through purchase.
Blackmail and Coercion. Defenders of laws against blackmail often claim that blackmail is coercive: by threatening to disclose certain damaging information if Bill does not pay $5000, Alfred coerces Bill.  Or so it is said. However, the idea of coercion cannot clearly be extended to such cases. In paradigm cases, Alfred coerces Bill into eckford parting with $5000 if he tackles Bill and steals his wallet containing $5000, or if he puts a gun to Bill's head and are pressure good threatens to pull the trigger should Bill refuse to hershey slogan, hand over $5000. But if Alfred simply tells Bill that he will disclose his extramarital affairs unless Bill pays $5000, nothing is threatened except Bill's reputation. And one's reputation is not something one owns as one might own one's body or a piece of property. Reputation is a form of social recognition to which one does not have a right as one might have a right to are pressure groups good, one’s property  Should Alfred spread the information without making any claim for money, he will have done nothing illegal. Why should it become illegal just because Alfred tells Bill that he will keep quiet if Bill pays him $5000? Perhaps the argument from eckford coercion can be expressed as follows: The blackmailer's act is coercive because he proposes to reveal information that he is obligated not to disclose. Are Pressure Groups Good?  But this will not do either. Even if Alfred were obligated not to reveal the information, it would still not show the empire threat to reveal it to be blackmail; rather, it would be a coercive threat, for example, extortion. It would indeed be legally wrong for Alfred to reveal what he told Bill in confidence, but the threat to disclose it unless Bill pays Alfred to keep quiet would be a legal wrong not because it is blackmail, but because it breached Alfred's contractual obligation to Bill.
But if there is no obligation for Bill to keep the damaging information to are pressure, himself, then and analysis only then would there be no coercion involved in making it known, Should Alfred accidentally find out groups for democracy, about Bill's extramarital affairs, he is under no obligation at elisabeth, all regarding its disclosure.  Why, then, should his informing Bill that he will reveal what Bill has been up to be coercive? Maybe the argument is are pressure good, that Alfred acts coercively because he seeks to exact Bill's money without his consent.  Although no literal gun is being pointed at Bill's head, something else is- serious damage to his life, reputation, job prospects, or whatever- should he refuse to hershey slogan, pay. This account, of are pressure groups, course, would not work with cases in which Bill, on hearing that Alfred possesses (and is likely to elisabeth, reveal) the information, seeks him out to offer him hush money, but perhaps the supporter of for democracy, blackmail laws may not mind cutting these cases adrift from the scope of such legislation. Once again, however, we need to remind ourselves of the empire end disanalogy with the gunman. Absent monetary considerations, if the gunman pulls the trigger a legally significant wrong is done to are pressure groups good, his victim, whereas, if Alfred spills the analysis beans on Bill's philandering no crime is groups good for democracy, committed. May be one could liken Alfred's act to that of compromise, Edward who, seeing Faye drowning, will not throw her a rope unless she agrees to pay him $5000.  This is surely exploitative of good for democracy, Faye's situation, but is empire end, it coercive? Were Edward to have pushed Faye into the water in the first place, there would indeed be an argument for saying that the demand for $5000 was coercive; but ex hypothesi he did not, and so, given that he does not violate a legal obligation in not throwing a rope to her, it is hardly coercive for him to demand something for good for democracy, his assistance.  Bill's follies, likewise, are his own doing, and not the result of a set up by Alfred, and if Alfred has come into possession of information that could be Bill's undoing, may he not offer to withhold it on his own terms? Blackmail and Exploitation. Perhaps, as I suggested in roman in britain, the last paragraph, blackmail should be seen as exploitative. That is, in blackmailing Bill, Alfred takes advantage of Bill's vulnerability. If so, should this justify its legal proscription?
Note, first of all, that the notion of exploitation is good for democracy, none-too-clear; it is, for example, used by compromise Marxist writers to characterize ordinary capitalist labor relations: in groups, making a profit, employers of labor are said to return to their employees less than the full value of their labor. Their vulnerable position (their need to empire end, eat, support families, and so forth) makes them vulnerable to such shortchanging. But even with a less expansive and less tendentious understanding, there is a gap between exploiting another's vulnerabilities and doing something that should be considered illegal. If George exploits Harold's generosity to get a loan, or Ivan exploits John's poor management of a rival business or even John's sudden and debilitating illness to gain a larger share of the market or to groups, put John out of business, neither George nor Ivan have done anything illegal, however opportunistic they may have been. Pestle Of India? So, if Alfred exploits Bill's vulnerability to make some extra money for himself, why should his act be proscribed by law? Blackmail and Privacy. It might be argued that blackmailers threaten a right one has to privacy. There is, it may be said, certain information about oneself over which one should have control. It is are pressure, one's own business, and ottoman empire end not the business of others. If it is to be given out, it is appropriately given out only if one has consented to its being shared.
If others come by that information accidentally or because someone with whom one has shared it has violated confidentiality, that is too bad. Groups? The third party is not guilty of any wrongdoing in having or sharing the information. However, if the third party, realizing that one wanted to keep the information to oneself, now chooses to use it as leverage for People, self-enrichment then that person is violating the privacy rights of another no less improperly than the person who taps one's telephone or bugs one's house or looks in one's personal files. But there are significant differences between these various cases. Good For Democracy? The person who taps one's phone or bugs one's house or looks at eckford, one's files has undoubtedly violated one's property rights in some way- has trespassed, at least. Even private detectives are limited in are pressure good, what they may be permitted to do to obtain information. But the argument from privacy would outlaw private detectives altogether, just because they make a business of getting information that others want to keep secret.  The blackmailer need not violate any so-called privacy rights  to obtain his information: a sharp eye, an compromise henry open ear, and are pressure good for democracy a little advantageous positioning may be all that is necessary. Were the on How People Make Economic potential blackmailer simply to pass on are pressure groups the information to other interested parties no legal offense would be involved.
Why should that change if the empire blackmailer seeks to take advantage of what he knows by seeking cash for silence? Even after their so-called victims have paid up, blackmailers sometimes come looking for more. The damaging information after all, may not have passed out of groups, their heads or hands. It may therefore be argued that the only way to keep blackmailers from repeatedly approaching those who have bought their silence is to ban blackmail altogether.  But repeated attempts at blackmail maybe prevented much more easily if blackmail is decriminalized. All that is required is roman, that blackmailers sign a contract with the blackmailee that stipulates the blackmailers' permanent silence in return for a payment of $X. Then, if the blackmailer breaks his agreement (something he can do even when blackmail is illegal), he can be held liable for whatever damages might be stipulated or otherwise determined by the courts. In such cases, there will be something legally wrong about repeated blackmail that does not apply to the first occasion. What is more, to outlaw blackmail in the first instance because blackmail demands may be repeated in the future is not to punish someone for a past crime done but for a (potential) future crime- hardly what we have in mind when we speak of criminal justice.
If this were allowed to good, be a general legal principle, moreover, we would have to entrench in the law the concept of preventive detention, for all members of groups statistically over represented in the criminal category. In any case, the argument from repeated blackmail would hold in only a limited number of cases- those in pestle analysis of india, which there was some likelihood that a further approach would be made or that the agreement would be breached. It would hardly provide a general argument against are pressure blackmail. The Consequences of Blackmail. Most who favor blackmail prohibition do so on non-consequentialist grounds. Elisabeth? They see something inherently problematic about the transaction that constitutes blackmail.
Nevertheless, perhaps to boost such arguments, they often supplement them with observations about the effects that decriminalizing blackmail would probably have. Richard Epstein, for example, suggests that were blackmail to be legalized, it would encourage the formation of corporations such as his hypothetical Blackmail, Inc., an are pressure organization devoted to ferreting out embarrassing (or worse) information on people and then blackmailing them to have it kept quiet. Roman In Britain?  Assuming the profitability of such an enterprise, a blackmailee might find himself the target of numerous independent approaches and, to meet the financial obligations incurred by this, might be led (or even encouraged) into committing crimes to pay for are pressure good for democracy, his chronic secrecy need. But are such fears well founded? Epstein does not ever show that a world without anti-blackmail laws would spawn a Blackmail, Inc. And even were it to do so, it would not provide a sufficiently strong reason to outlaw it or blackmail. The tastelessness or unseemliness of pestle, a social institution is not a sufficient reason to ban it or enterprises that exploit it. We would have as good reason to ban malicious gossip or The National Inquirer . And the social pressure that might lead a person into committing crimes to pay for secrecy would not differ substantially from the social pressure to be somebody or impress others, motivations that may be just as likely to are pressure groups, lead people to commit crimes. Compromise Henry? 
A more limited consequentialist argument has been suggested by Jennifer Gerarda Brown. Are Pressure Groups Good For Democracy?  She suggests that were blackmail in cases of incriminating information legalized, there would likely be a reduction of crime. Roman In Britain? The criminally inclined would face the real possibility that they would have to split the profits of their criminality or otherwise pay to cover up their crimes, and such costs would constitute a significant deterrent to are pressure good for democracy, criminal activity. But this is roman in britain, actually an argument in are pressure good for democracy, favor of legalizing blackmail, not prohibiting it. As we noted at ottoman end, the beginning, there is a real difficulty about legally differentiating payer- initiated from for democracy seller-initiated silence. If Bill learns that Alfred possesses damaging information that he might be inclined to disclose to others, and offers Alfred $5000 to keep quiet, it is hard to argue that Alfred has either coerced or exploited Bill, or that the transaction should be outlawed. The awkwardness of allowing such a differentiation of cases has led some writers to develop strategies for keeping them together. Missouri Compromise? Thus Scott Altman has claimed: Evidentiary and definitional problems with payer initiation can undermine any power it has to separate coercive from groups non-coercive transactions. Pestle? Some bargains appear payer-initiated because the payer initially suggests the groups deal. But the payer might only learn of the other party's intent to reveal the ottoman end embarrassing information after that party discloses this intent in groups good for democracy, order to elicit an offer or payment.
Because this case cannot easily be distinguished from genuine payer initiation, permitting payer initiation can insulate paradigmatic blackmail cases from punishment.  Similar arguments used to be employed against all forms of hershey slogan, euthanasia, lest it should become a cloak for murder. The solution, were we to persist in outlawing seller-initiated silence, would be essentially the same: the development of procedures that would allow- for most cases- clearer discriminations to be made. But since we do not accept the arguments against blackmail laws in the first place, this rescue is unnecessary. Blackmail and Victimization.
Defenders of blackmail laws persist in calling the blackmailee a victim. Once seen as such, blackmailers are easily tarred with wrongdoing. Yet this characterization trades on the conflation of two distinct senses of victim. On one account, a victim is anyone who is damaged or harmed by some event: there are earthquake victims and victims of disease. Are Pressure Good For Democracy? Blackmailees might be seen as victims or potential victims in this sense. The information possessed by the blackmailer, if disclosed, will damage them in some way. Missouri Compromise Clay? And one might argue that if one kind of damage has been averted it has been averted only at a cost, and - at a stretch - that one is a victim of circumstances that have a cost.
But the term victim may also be used in a more restricted sense - as when we speak of someone being victimized. Are Pressure Good? Here we have in mind someone whose rights have been violated, someone who has been illegally wronged by hershey slogan another. Is the person who is blackmailed a victim in groups for democracy, this second sense? It would seem not: if Alfred were to disclose the damaging information about Bill no right of Bill's would have been violated. That he should refrain from doing what he had a right to missouri compromise henry clay, do in groups, exchange for some monetary consideration does not change the matter. (29) Those who persist in speaking of blackmailees as victims can mean victim only in the first sense. Yet it is only in the second sense, that victims might have some legitimate legal claim against henry others. The libertarian conviction is not simply that some instances of blackmail should not be criminalized but that it should never be criminalized.
The libertarian therefore needs to confront some hard cases. (a) Suppose Ken tells Leon that if Leon does not pay him $1000, he will report that Leon is guilty of a crime, which he is are pressure groups for democracy, already suspected of committing. The libertarian would not forbid Ken from making this demand, or, if Leon does not pay, he would not prevent Ken from making the ottoman false report. Ken has free speech rights, including the good right to speak falsely about another. Elisabeth? True, the police-and courts-may subsequently accept Ken's word about are pressure groups for democracy Leon, so that Leon is unjustly punished, but if they do that, that injustice is on them for failing thoroughly to investigate Ken's report. End? As noted above, any damage to Leon 's reputation is groups good for democracy, not damage to in britain, something over which Leon has any rights. (30) While the foregoing is perfectly compatible with libertarian theorizing, it will strike many as repugnant.
After all, the law underlies the social order, even our very civilization. If one may with impunity place a spoke in the whee1 of justice in this manner, it bespeaks ill of the libertarian philosophy. But there is a solution to this quandary, even apart from the radical substitution of libertarian for statist courts. (31) And that is to pay or tie up witnesses so that they are contractually obligated to tell the truth upon pain of contract violation. One of the great injustices of our present court system is that witnesses are in effected drafted into testifying, and, so, for that matter, are jurors. Are Pressure? It would be legally illicit to bear false witness under such circumstances. But, contrary to clay, Altman, the impropriety would then be one of extortion, or contract violation, not blackmail. b) What if Michael learns that Nicholas has embezzled $l million from good his company, but suggests to Nicholas that for a payment of $56,000 he will not report it?
Surely, one might argue, Michael has a duty to report what Nicholas has done, and any attempt to ottoman end, profit from an agreement not to reveal it should be criminalized. Although some libertarians might balk at cases of this kind, it is certainly open to are pressure groups good for democracy, others - myself included - to elisabeth eckford, argue that whatever moral duty might be claimed to report the are pressure groups good for democracy crimes of another (and not to profit from them), nevertheless there is no basis for legally requiring that the crimes of ottoman end, another should be reported. Are Pressure? Such positive duties- like the positive duty to be a good Samaritan- has no place in criminal law. Blackmail laws are often taken for in britain, granted. Indeed, such is the moral objecctionableness of blackmail in many people's minds that they cannot imagine how the decriminalization of blackmail could possibly be supported.
But, like many other practices considered morally and socially objectionable, their objectionableness does not immediately or easily translate into a matter for the criminal law. It has been my contention that this is true of blackmail. As the paradox of blackmail should have alerted us, there's indeed something deeply problematic about criminalizing an are pressure good act that conjoins two other acts that, in pestle of india, themselves, are not criminal. * Walter Block, author of good, Defending the Undefendable , is Professor of Economics at the University of Central Arkansas , Conway , Arkansas . Email: email@example.com . The author wishes to thank John Kleinig for of india, his editorial support, which far surpassed the ordinary call of editorial duty. 1. Williams, Blackmail ,  CRIM. L. REV. 79, at 163 (1954). It was Williams who originally spoke of the paradox of blackmail.
The morality of the are pressure for democracy constituent acts is, perhaps less clear than their legality. But my concern here is with the empire justification of blackmail's criminalization not with its morality per groups for democracy, se. 2. It might be claimed that using the ottoman example of extramarital affairs- though typical -unfairly prejudices the case in favor the opponent of blackmail. Many would feel that the groups for democracy philanderer deserved what was coning to him- whether it was blackmail or exposure. If the information were of a different but still mortifying kind - disclosure that a bank executive always took a rubber duckie into his bath, or wet his bed, or had a black/Jewish grandmother- would we feel as sanguine about the blackmailers opportunism? Perhaps not, but this would not show that the blackmailer should be punished for seeking to get something in return for silence. 3. Henry Clay? Authors offering arguments in favor of the present prohibition of blackmail are numerous. They include: Alldridge, Attempted Murder of the Soul : Blackmail, Privacy and Secrets . 13 OXFORD J. LEGAL STUD. 363 (1993); Altman, A Patchwork Theory of Blackmail , 141 U. PA. L. REV.
1639 (1993); Becker, The Case Against Blackmail, unpublished MS (1985); Berman, The Evidentiary Theory of groups, Blackmail: Taking Motives Seriously, 65 U. Roman? CHI. L. Are Pressure Good For Democracy? REV. 795 (1998); Boyle, A Theory of Law and Information . Copyright, Spleens , Blackmail, and Insider Trading, 80 CALIF. L. REV. 1413 (1992); Brown, Blackmail as Private Justice , 141 U. PA.
L. Compromise? REV. 1935 (1993); Campbell, Why Blackmail Should be Criminalized: A Reply to Walter Block and David Gordon, 21 LOYOLA OF LOS ANGELES L. Are Pressure Groups? REV. 883 (1933); Campbell, The Anomalies of Blackmail , 55 LEGAL Q. Rev. 382(1939); Coase, The 1987 McCorkle Lecture: Blackmail , 74 VA. L. Ottoman Empire? REV., 655 (1988); Daly Giertz, Externalities, Extortion, and Efficiency; Reply, 68 AM. ECON. REV.
736 (1978); DeLong, Blackmailers, Bribe Takers, and the Second Paradox , 141 U. P.A, L. REV. 1663 (1993); Ellsherg, The Theory and Practice of are pressure good, Blackmail, in BARGANING: FORMAL THEORY OF NEGOTIATION 343 (O.R. On How Make Economic? Young, ed. 1975); Epstein, Blackmail, Inc ., 50 U. CHI. For Democracy? L. REV., 553 (1983); Evans, Why Blackmail Should be Banned , 65 PHIL. 89 (1990); Feinberg, The Paradox of Blackmail , 1 RATIO JURIS 83 (1988); J. FEINBERG, HARMLESS WRONGDOING (1990); Fletcher, Blackmail . The Paradigmatic Case, 141 U. Roman In Britain? PA. Are Pressure Good For Democracy? L. REV. 1617 (1993); C. FRIED, CONTRACT AS PROMISE 102 (1981); Ginsburg Shechtman, Blackmail: An Economic Analysis of the Law , 141 U. PA.
L. REV. 1849 (1993); Goodhart, Blackmail and Consideration in Contracts , 44 LEGAL Q. Compromise? REV. 436 (1928), repr. in A.L. GOODHART, ESSAYS IN JURISPRUDENCE AND THE COMMON LAW 175 (1931); Gordon, Truth and Consequences : The Force of Blackmail's Central Case, 141 U. PA. L. REV. l74l (1993); Gory, Nozick’s Argument Against Blackmail , 58 PERSONALIST 187 (1977); Gorr, Liberalism and the Paradox of Blackmail , 21 PHIL. PUB. AFF. 43 (1992); Haksar, Coercive Proposals, 4 POL.
THEORY, 65 (1976); Hale, Bargaining, Duress, and Economic Liberty , 43 COLUM. L. Rev. Groups For Democracy? 603 (1943); Hale, Coercion and Distribution in a Supposedly Non-Coercive State , 38 POL. Roman? SCI. Q. Good For Democracy? 470 (1923); Hardin, Blackmailing for Mutual Good 141 U. Eckford? PA.L.
Rev. 1787 (1993); M. HEPWORTH, BLACKMAIL: PUBLICITY AND SECRECY IN EVERYDAY LIFE 29-40 (1975); Isenbergh, Blackmail from A to are pressure for democracy, C , 141 U. PA. L. REV. 1905 (l993); Jandoo Harland, Legally Aided Blackmail , 27 NEW L. On How People? J. 402 (1984); Katz, Blackmail and Other Forms of Arm Twisting , 141 U. PA. L REW.
1567 (1993); Katz Lindgren, Instead of a Preface , 141 U. PA. L. REV. Are Pressure Groups Good? 1565 (1993); Landes Posner, The Private Enforcement of Law, 4 J. LEGAL. STUD. 1 (1975); Lindgren, Unraveling the Paradox of ottoman empire, Blackmail , 84 COLUM. L. REV. 670 (1984) Lindgren, More Blackmail Ink; a Critique of Blackmail Inc ., Epstein's Theory of Blackmail 16 COLUM. L. REV. 909 (1984) Lindgren, In Defense of Keeping Blackmail A Crimes: Responding to Block and Gordon, 20 LOYOLA OF LOS ANGELES L. REV.
35 (1986); Lindgren, Blackmail; On Waste, Morals and Ronald Coase 36 U.C.L.A. Groups Good For Democracy? L. REV. 597 (1989); Lindgren, Kept in the Dark; Owen's View of Blackmail, 21 CONN. Elisabeth Eckford? L. REV. 749 (1989); Lindgren, Secret Rights: A Comment on Campbell's Theory of groups for democracy, Blackmail , 21 CONN. L. REV. 407 (1989); Lindgren, Blackmail: An Afterword , 141 U. PA. L. REV. 1975 (1993); Lindgren, The Theory, History and Practice of the Bribery-Extortion Distinction , 141, U. PA. L. REV. Compromise Clay? 1695 (1993); Lyons, Welcome Threats and Coercive Offers , 50 PHIL.
425 (l975); Murphy, Blackmail; A Preliminary Inquiry, 63 MONIST 156 (1980); R. NOZICK, ANACHY, STATE, AND UTOPIA (1974); Owens, Should Blackmail be Banned ?, 63 PHIL. For Democracy? 501 (l979); R.A. Hershey Slogan? POSNER, ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF LAW (4th ed. 1992); Posner, Blackmail, Privacy and are pressure for democracy Freedom of Contract, 141 U. Ottoman Empire End? PA. L. REV. 1817 (1993); Shavell, An Economic Analysis of Threats and Their Legality: Blackmail, Extortion and Robbery , 141 U. PA L. REV. 1877 (1993); Tooher, Developments in the Law of Blackmail in England and Australia , 27 INT.
COMP. Good For Democracy? L. Missouri Compromise Henry Clay? Q., 337 (1978); Waldron, Blackmail as Complicity , unpublished MS (1992); Williams, Blackmail, supra n.1; Winder, The Development of Blackmail , 5 MODERN L. REV. 21 (1941). 4. Are Pressure Groups? In contrast, here is the libertarian case for the repeal of laws prohibiting blackmail: Mack, In Defense of compromise, Blackmail, 41 PHIL. Good For Democracy? STUD. 273 (1982); M.N. Make? R0THBARD, THE ETHICS OF LIBERTY (1998); M.N. ROTHBARD, MAN, ECONOMY AND STATE 443 n. 49 (1993); Block , The Blackmailer as Hero , THE LIBERTARIAN FORUM 1 (Dec. 1972); W. BLOCK, DEFENDING THE UNDEFENDABLE 44-49 (1976; 1991); Block Gordon, Extortion and the Exercise of Free Speech Rights; A Reply to Professors Posner, Epstein, Nozick and Lindgren , 19 LOYALAS OF LOS ANGELES.
REV. 37(1985); Block, Trading Money for for democracy, Silence, 8 U. Roman In Britain? HAWAII L. REV. 57(1986); Block, The Case for De-Criminalizing Blackmail: A Reply to Lindgren and Campbell , 24 WESTERN STATE U. L.REV. 225 (1997); Block, A Libertarian Theory of Blackmail , 33 IRISH JURIST 280 (1998); Block McGee, Blackmail from A to Z , 50 MERCER L. REV. 569 (1999); Block, Towards a Libertarian Theory of Blackmail , J. LIBERTARIAN STUD. (forthcoming); Block McGee, Blackmail As a Victimless Crime , 31 BRACTON L. J. 24 (1999); Block, Kinsella, Hoppe, The Second Paradox of Blackmail , Q, J. Good? BUS. In Britain? ETHICS, (forthcoming); Block, Let's Legalize Blackmail , SETON HALL L. Rev (forthcoming); Block, Blackmailing For Mutual Good VERMONT L. REV. (forthcoming); Block Anderson, Posner on Blackmail; A Critique (forthcoming); Block, Blackmail and Economic Analysis , THOMAS JEFFERSON. REV. For Democracy? (forthcoming); Block, Threats, Blackmail, Extortion, Robbery and Other Bad Things TULSA L. REV. Missouri Henry Clay? (forthcoming); Block, Blackmail is Private Justice , U. BRIT. COLUM. L. Groups For Democracy? REV. (forthcoming).
5. Katz, Blackmail and Other Forms of Arm Twisting , supra n. 3, at 1567-68. Hershey Slogan? Sometimes the threat may take the groups good form of an offer- though of a form that Hillel Steiner refers to as a throffer- in which failure to take it up is associated with threatened consequences. See Steiner, Individual Liberty , 75 ARISTOTELIAN SOC’Y PROC. 33, at 39 (1974-75). 6. Mack, In Defense of hershey slogan, Blackmail , supra n. 4, at 277. To counter the response that these are cases in good for democracy, which the blackmailees are being blackmailed only into not doing something, Mack suggests that the hershey slogan factory owner might be blackmailed into donating money for are pressure groups good for democracy, Cambodian relief (278).
7. Fletcher, Blackmail; The Paradigmatic Case , supra n. 3. 8. Gordon, Truth and Consequences , supra n. 3, at 1744. 9. See Altman, A Patchwork Theory of Blackmail , supra n. 3, at 1640. 10. Restaurants and supermarkets often donate day old food to the poor. 11. Gordon, Truth and Consequences , supra n. 3, at 1746. Mack's counter-examples (supra n. 6) cast some doubt on in britain the generality of this claim.
12. In actual fact, a blackmailer's motives might be much more complicated. Although taking monetary advantage of a situation may well be one consideration, moral umbrage might also figure, along with, say, a more remote desire to obtain money to pay for a sick child's operation. Gordon's characterization of the blackmailer's intent might- in groups for democracy, certain cases, at least-apply equally to many other currently legal commercial ventures, which people may undertake. 13. In Britain? Altman, A Patchwork Theory of Blackmail , supra n. Are Pressure Groups? 3, at 1641. 14.
The simple fact of a threat is not sufficient to make the act coercive (and hence illegitimate). Hershey Slogan? If I threaten to sue you for the damage you have caused to my car, unless you pay for its repair, my threat constitutes no illegitimate coercion. Should it be argued that some threats one has a right to make (as in the latter case) whereas others one has no right to are pressure groups good, make (as in blackmail), the libertarian will reply that this begs the question: Why should Alfred not threaten to reveal Bill's extra-marital affairs unless some payment is made? 15. Should it be objected that the destruction of reputation by means of disclosure of information about one does constitute a violation of rights (as is sometimes allowed by laws against libel and defamation), the hershey slogan libertarian will respond that the question is begged. A libertarian would not agree to groups for democracy, the enforceable securing of hershey slogan, reputation against damaging information. Are Pressure Groups Good For Democracy? On this see W. BLOCK, DEFENDING THE UNDEFENDABLE, Supra n.4, at pestle analysis, 59-62; M. Are Pressure? ROTHBARD, ETHICS OF LIBERTY, supra n. Roman? 4, at 121-22. 16. For this argument, see Altman, A Patchwork Theory of Blackmail , supra n. For Democracy? 3, at 1642, fn. 11.
For a rejoinder, see Block McGee, Blackmail As a Victimless Crime supra n. 4, text at note 23. 17. That may be too strong: perhaps there is a moral or religious obligation not to gossip about hershey slogan others. And perhaps what is private does not change its status as a result of becoming known to another. Good For Democracy? But there is no enforceable legal obligation not to pass on the information that has come into one’s possession. 18. Katz, Blackmail and empire Other Forms of Arm-Twisting , supra n. 3, at 1599. 19. See Altman, A Patchwork Theory of Blackmail , supra p. 3, at 1643. 20. I am, of course, assuming that there is no Good Samaritan law requiring that assistance be given.
Were there such a law, a libertarian would of course oppose it. 21. That surely goes for investigative reporters, newshounds, and gossip columnists as well. They also profit from information that others would prefer to keep secret. 22. Good? Libertarians reject privacy rights that are not reducible to property rights- rights not to have one's property bugged or phone tapped.
See M. ROTHBARD, THE ETHICS OF LIBERTY, Supra 4, at 121-22. 23. Although some jurisdictions do recognize torts for violation of privacy, libertarians are opposed to such constraints, because such torts must allow -what I challenge- that people can have property rights in Essay on How Make Decisions, their reputation. 24. See e.g., Fletcher, Blackmail: The Paradigmatic Case , supra n. Are Pressure Good For Democracy? 3, at 1623, 1627. See also Altman, A Patchwork Theory of ottoman end, Blackmail , supra n. Good For Democracy? 3, at 1648. Fletcher sees the Make Decisions possibility of the blackmailer's coming back for more as constituting a permanent domination of the blackmailer over the blackmailee. But that is only if no contract is made between the for democracy blackmailer and blackmailee forbidding any further claims. 25.
Richard Epstein, Blackmail, Inc ., supra n. 3. 26. For an extended discussion, see Block Gordon, Extortion and the Exercise of Free Speech Rights , supra n. Hershey Slogan? 4. 27. Brown, Blackmail as Private Justice , supra n. 3. 28. Altman, A Patchwork Theory of Blackmail , supra n. Are Pressure For Democracy? 3, at roman in britain, 1649. 29. Indeed, one might be inclined to argue that the are pressure blackmailer displays a kind of decency toward the empire blackmailee by offering him a way out of his predicament (the blackmailer's opportunity to groups for democracy, damage the potential blackmailee by disclosing- as he has a right to do- the information he has on him).
The gossip provides no such injury-averting option. See Block Gordon, Blackmail, Extortion and Free Speech , supra n. 4, at 39: In contrast to the gossip, who tells the secret without even affording the elisabeth eckford victim the opportunity of purchasing silence, the blackmailer can be seen as a benefactor. 30. See W. BLOCK, DEFENDING THE UNDEFENDABLE, supra p. 4, at 59-62; also, M. ROTHBARD, THE ETHICS OF LIBERTY supra n. 4, at for democracy, l26-27. 31. On this see M. ROTHBARD, FOR A NEW LIBERTY (1973)
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